[NYTr] Chances of attacking Iran between slim and none
All the News That Doesn't Fit
nytr at blythe-systems.com
Tue Nov 20 05:05:13 EST 2007
sent by Dave Muller - southnews
Seattle Post-Intelligencer - Nov 16, 2007
http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/opinion/339833_iranwaronline18.html
Chances of attacking Iran between slim and none
By ALBERT R. HUNT
GUEST COLUMNIST
President Bush raises the specter of World War III if Iran goes
nuclear. Vice President Dick Cheney threatens military action.
Neoconservative Norman Podhoretz urges the U.S. to bomb the country.
And the Senate passes a resolution that critics say is a blank check
for war.
This is, in the phrase of the malaprop-prone former American baseball
great Yogi Berra, "deja vu all over again."
Except it isn't. The military, economic and political climate for
action against Iran is infinitely less hospitable than five years ago,
when the U.S. was preparing for war with Iraq. The prospects for an
attack on Iran in the final 14 months of the Bush administration are
somewhere between slim and none.
"No one seriously argues that Iran will be capable of deploying a
nuclear force within the next few years," says American defense scholar
Anthony Cordesman. "Without that, there simply is not a case for going
to war."
Yet the Senate approved a silly, politically inspired measure declaring
the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist group. It was
supported by Sen. Hillary Clinton. Her Democratic presidential
opponents, acting equally silly, say she provided Bush with a
justification for an attack.
If the U.S. should have deployed twice the roughly 150,000 troops it
has sent to Iraq to fight that war, just think what it would take for a
more powerful country with almost three times the population. The
American military is overstretched.
Thus, the most serious alternative discussed is a massive air strike by
U.S. cruise missiles and jet fighters loaded with "smart weapons." They
would destroy Iran's nuclear facilities, disrupt the country and
perhaps, according to the most optimistic neoconservatives, spark a
revolution.
If, as some suggest, this is the view of the Cheney camp, here's an
inconvenient reminder: It was the vice president who assured Americans,
unequivocally and repeatedly, that Iraq had weapons of mass
destruction, and was on the verge of having a nuclear weapon, in 2002.
Cheney also was the hardheaded geopolitical realist who, according to
Robert Draper's semi-authorized book on Bush, assured then-House
Republican leader Dick Armey that the Iraqis are "going to welcome us.
It'll be like the American army going through the streets of Paris.
They're sitting there ready to form a new government. The people will
be so happy with their freedoms that we'll probably back ourselves out
of there within a month or two."
That may have been one of the most flawed assessments in modern
American history.
Most Iranian experts doubt any surgical strike would be effective
against whatever the Iranians possess -- and there's little reason to
think American intelligence is any better today than five years ago.
The attacks would have to be persistent and repeated; countless
civilians would be killed.
This would produce retaliation from Iran and its Hezbollah terrorists,
a more lethal and pervasive threat than al-Qaida; it would escalate
anti-American tensions in the region and possibly destabilize several
regimes.
Last month, the London-based Oxford Research Group issued a report on
the problems facing the U.S. in Iraq and in the war on terrorists.
"Going to war with Iran will make matters far worse, playing directly
into the hands of extreme elements and adding greatly to the violence
across the region," warned the author, Paul Rogers, a professor at the
University of Bradford.
This analysis is shared by many leading American military, diplomatic
and intelligence experts.
Among the retaliatory capabilities of the Iranians, American
intelligence officials fear, would be the use of the 2,000 mines they
are believed to possess, to cripple shipping through the Strait of
Hormuz, where more than one-fifth of the world's oil shipments flow. If
you think $100-a-barrel oil threatens the global economy, imagine what
$200 might do. International financial guru Nouriel Roubini says that's
precisely what would happen.
Conversations with several Republican members of Congress, a couple of
current administration officials and former top national security
advisers yield the same view. Indeed, it's not even clear the vice
president is an advocate of action, as opposed to tough talk, on Iran.
Moreover, unlike 2002 when the neoconservative war hawks, led by the
Pentagon and the vice president's office, were dominant, other leading
figures in the administration -- Defense Secretary Robert Gates,
Admiral William Fallon, the head of Central Command for the Middle
East, and probably Condoleezza Rice all think military engagement with
Iran is a recipe for disaster.
Like all presidents in the homestretch, Bush thinks about his legacy
and would like to add some finishing touches; he has almost no domestic
options, so foreign policy is the focus. Perhaps a deal with North
Korea, maybe some progress in the Middle East and a few trade deals.
In our system, a major military action of choice isn't done without a
consensus, and certainly not in the final months of a presidency. That
reality is being ignored by even otherwise- smart analysts, such as
Chicago economist David Hale, who last week suggested that if the
Democrats win the election next November, the president will strike
Iran before he leaves office.
Instead, Republican Sen. Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, in a critical speech
on the administration's Iranian policy, said: "One of the most
significant and potentially lasting contributions that this president
could leave the United States and the world would be to begin to
reverse the dangerous slide of America's global standing and influence."
That wouldn't be easy. Last year William F. Buckley Jr., the most
influential American conservative during the past half- century, was
asked about the Bush legacy: "Mr. Bush is in the hands of a fortune
that will be unremitting on the point of Iraq," he said. "If he'd
invented the Bill of Rights, it wouldn't get him out of his jam."
Neither would an ill-advised attack on Iran.
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